A critical look at US activities in Africa has the Black Alliance for peace. It acts to shut down of Africom: The purpose of AFRICOM is to use U.S. military power to impose U.S. control of African land, resources and labor to service the needs of U.S. multi-national corporations and the wealthy in the United States.

The United States African Command (AFRICOM) was established October 1, 2008. The purpose of AFRICOM is to use U.S. military power to impose U.S. control of African land, resources and labor to service the needs of U.S. multi-national corporations and the wealthy in the United States.
When AFRICOM was established in the months before Barack Obama assumed office as the first Black President of the United States, a majority of African nations—led by the Pan-Africanist government of Libya—rejected AFRICOM, forcing the new command to instead work out of Europe. But with the U.S. and NATO attack on Libya that led to the destruction of that country and the murder of its leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, corrupt African leaders began to allow AFRICOM forces to operate in their countries and establish military-to-military relations with the United States. Today, those efforts have resulted in 46 various forms of U.S. bases as well as military-to-military relations between 53 out of the 54 African countries and the United States. U.S. Special Forces troops now operate in more than a dozen African nations.   
We are focusing on AFRICOM as our contribution to the work of the Coalition Against U.S. Foreign Military Bases, of which BAP is a founding member.

The Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) must oppose AFRICOM and conduct hearings on AFRICOM’s impact on the African continent,
the complete withdrawal of U.S. forces from Africa,
the demilitarization of the African continent, and
the closure of U.S. bases throughout the world.

What impact has increased militarization abroad had on U.S. communities? Since 1990, about $6 billion worth of U.S. Department of Defense property has been transferred to local, state, federal and tribal law-enforcement agencies while communities are suffering from austerity cuts. (source: https://www.statista.com/chart/14027/how-much-is-the-polices-military-equipment-worth)
What is the connection between the militarization of Africa and the colonized Black and Brown spaces in the United States? Black people domestically are seen as redundant and as a social problem; Africans on the African continent are seen the same way. The result has been a veritable war waged on the Black working class and a general devaluation of all Black life. The war waged against the Black working class within the United States mirrors the war being waged on continental Africans.



Download our 4-page AFRICOM fact sheet to distribute in your circles. This document prints out best on 11-inch x 17-inch sheets, as it is a 2-sided, 4-page booklet.


AFRICOM: U.S. Military Invasion of Africa
United States Africa Command, (U.S. AFRICOM): A full-spectrum combatant command, U.S. AFRICOM
is responsible for all U.S. Department of Defense operations, exercises, and security cooperation on the
African continent, its island nations, and surrounding waters.
Mission statement of AFRICOM:
United States Africa Command — with partners — disrupts and neutralizes transnational threats, protects
U.S. personnel and facilities, prevents and mitigates conflict, and builds African partner defense capability
and capacity in order to promote regional security, stability, and prosperity.
AFRICOM Timeline
2007: The Bush administration announces that it will establish the first U.S. African command
structure AFRICOM. Libya, South Africa, Nigeria and Zimbabwe denounce the concept with most
other African nations soon taking a similar stand.
2008: President Bush visits Africa and encounters near unanimous rejection of his AFRICOM plan,
only Liberia showed an interest in hosting the AFRICOM headquarters. Since its inception,
AFRICOM has been based in Stuttgart, Germany.
2008: Despite fierce opposition from many African
states AFRICOM is established October 1, 2008 but forced to
maintain its headquarters in Stuttgart, Germany.
2009: Muammar Gaddafi of Libya elected president of
African Union continues African opposition to basing AFRICOM
in Africa.
2011: United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 authorizes
a “no-fly zone” in Libya. NATO forces led by the U.S.,
France and United Kingdom quickly violate agreement and
embark on bombing campaign with intent to change the
government of Libya.
2011: After massive bombing campaign in support of right-wing
Islamic forces by the U.S. and NATO, Muammar Gaddafi
and remaining government forces are surrounded in city of Sirte
where he is captured and brutally murdered in October.

2012: Captured Libyan arms are deployed to various armed groups including al-Qaida in Islamic
Maghreb. The result is enhanced military capacities of Boko Haram in Nigeria, civil war in Mali and
destabilization and armed conflict in Central African Republic, Chad, Niger and
dismembering of Libya.
2012: AFRICOM trained soldier Capt. Amadou Haya Sanogo led a coup in Mali that overthrew a
democratically elected government.
2014: Estimated between five to eight thousand U.S. troops in Africa.
2014: U.S. carried out 674 military missions across the continent — an average of nearly two per day
and an increase of about 300 percent since U.S. Africa Command was launched in 2008.
2015: AFRICOM trained soldier General Gilbert Diendere led a coup in Burkina Faso.
2015 – Present: Report that was surfaced in 2015 revealed the forms of U.S. military presence in
Africa: U.S. military presence is divided into three categories of basing (Forward operating sites (FOS),
Cooperative security locations (CSLs), Contingency locations (CLs)). Another category for measuring U.S.
military presence is military to military cooperative agreements with various African states.
2016: 46 bases – a network now consisting of two forward operating sites, 13 cooperative security
locations, and 31 contingency locations.
2016: Many of the military-to-military partnerships which the command has with fifty-three of Africa’s
fifty-four states include agreements to cede
operational command to AFRICOM.
2016: Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, one of two main FOSs in Africa has been expanded from 88 acres
to about 600 acres since 2002.
2016: In 2006, only 1% of all U.S. Commandos deployed overseas went to Africa, in 2016 17.2% of
U.S. Commandos deployed overseas were in Africa.
2016 – 2017: Expansion of drone and CSL in Niger, Camp Agadez. U.S. is investing over $100 million
and is in the area where four Special Forces personnel were killed in 2017.
2016: Since the launch of AFRICOM in 2008, there has been a 1,900 percent increase in US military
presence on the African continent
2017: U.S. troops are now conducting 3,500 exercises, programs, and engagements per year, an
average of nearly 10 missions per day, on the African continent, according to AFRICOM commander
General Thomas Waldhauser.
2017: Africa has witnessed “the most dramatic growth in deployment of America’s elite troops of
any region of the globe over the past decade”1

Current AFRICOM programs:
Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance Program (ACOTA) (formerly African
Crisis Response Initiative) (ACRI)) Part of “Global Peace”
Operations Initiative (GPOI) Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi,
Mali, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda,
International Military Training and Education (IMET) Program Brings African military officers to US military
academies and schools for
indoctrination Top countries: Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, and South Africa.
Africa Center for Strategic Studies (ACSS) (formerly Africa Center for Security Studies) Part of National
Defense University, Washington. Provides indoctrination for “next generation” African military officers.
This is the “School of the Americas” for Africa. All of Africa is covered.
Foreign Military Sales Program sells US military equipment to African nations via Defense Security
Cooperation Agency Top recipients: Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, South
Africa, and Zimbabwe.
African Coastal and Border Security Program Provides fast patrol boats, vehicles, electronic surveillance
equipment, night vision equipment to littoral states.
Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) Military command based at Camp Lemonier in
Djibouti. Aimed at putting down
rebellions in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Somaliland and targets Eritrea. Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti.
Joint Task Force Aztec Silence (JTFAS) Targets terrorism in West and North Africa. Joint effort of EUCOM
and Commander Sixth Fleet (Mediterranean) Based in Sigonella, Sicily and Tamanrasset air base in
southern Algeria Gulf of Guinea Initiative, US Navy Maritime
Partnership Program Trains African militaries in port and off-shore oil platform security Angola, Benin,
Cameroon, Congo-Brazzaville,
Congo-Kinshasa, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Ghana, Nigeria, Sao Tome & Principe, Togo.
Tripartite Plus Intelligence Fusion Cell Based in Kisangani, DRC, to oversee “regional security,”
i.e. ensuring U.S. and Israeli access to Congo’s gold, diamonds, uranium, platinum, and coltan.
Congo-Kinshasa, Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, United States.
Base access for Cooperative Security Locations (CSLs) and Forward Operating Locations (FOLs) U.S.
access to airbases and other facilities Gabon, Kenya, Mali, Morocco, Tunisia, Namibia, Sao Tome &
Principe, Senegal, Uganda, Zambia, Algeria.
( https://www.pambazuka.org/human-security/us-and-wars-sahel)


Action of German Peace-Activists against US-Drone-War in Africa

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